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Anatolia can be regarded as an interculturation zone through which much of Greek perception of Persians was filtered until the conquests of Alexander focused Greek atten-tion more on the Levant and Mesopotamia.

The most striking instances of receptivity in the Greek world, as in the North Aegean and Anatolia, are responses to luxury toreutic; the Achaemenid deep and shallow bowls were particularly imitated in metal and ceramic throughout most of the lands in question.

While some of the sealings are manifestly Persian, bearing the names of Xerxes and Artaxerxes in Old Persian and images copied from the imperial centers (AMI 22, 1989, p. 1." href="/img/v11f3/Greece_ii_plate01.jpg"PLATE I; Kaptan, 1996; idem, 2001), others share affinities with the coinage of nearby Greek cities like Kyzikos and must be local products (Kaptan, 1990; idem, 2000). Yet the form of the stelai and their workmanship reveal a local production. The response ranges from close imitation, to moderate adaptation, to modification of existing vessel types, either in profile or surface treatment. The Persian Empire (perhaps particularly the western satrapies) provided models.

Sculpted stelai and related funerary reliefs exhibit a distinctive iconography of social (hunting on horseback and banqueting), funerary, and ritual practices, and they range in date from about 500 B. The discovery of Perso-Anatolian sarcophagi at recent excavations of tumuli in the wider region testifies to the spread of Persian culture between the late 6th and 4th centuries (Sevinç, 1996, 1998, 1999, and forthcoming). imported Achaemenid Persian goods played a significant role in articulating social divisions in the emergent Odryssian kingdom of Thrace. The Thracian silver jug is an adaptation of the Persian amphora (Ewigleben, p. Bowls and jugs are well exemplified by the Rogozen Treasure (Fol, Nikolov, and Hoddinott, passim). may be an import or a local product (Lilibake-Akamate; Paspalas, 2000b). at Dion imitates hanging Achaemenid textiles, with pacing lion and radiate lion-head motifs (Soteriades; Boardman). One may suppose that the same response occurred in Greek metalware, but Greek metalware rarely survives (see Shefton, pp. The Attic “calyx cup” with its petal-grooving imitated the lobed Achaemenid deep bowl for the period around 350-260 B. The social differentiation implicit in differences in leisure gained new physical attributes in the later 6th and 5th centuries: the parasol, the fan, and the flywhisk (PLATE XIV, above; PLATE XV, Paestum, Salerno, Museo Archeologico Nationale).

When receptivity can be traced, the precise origin of the models is often unclear owing to the nascent state of knowledge about the regional styles of the Achaemenid Empire.

A traditional bias in the study of the Greek world has focused attention away from such issues; much evidence doubtless exists, awaiting integration into a broad study of the question throughout the entire region.

However, archeological and iconographic evidence reveals increasing receptivity to Iranian material culture throughout Anatolia.

Such “Iranizing” both reinforces the evidence for a Persian presence and provides a background for cultural relations with Greece.

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Nonetheless, it can be determined to show a relationship with Ionian architecture of the second quarter of the 5th century B. The migrations of Greeks to the west coast of Asia Minor in the late bronze age yielded settlements that by the mid-6th century B. Greek dialects developed regionally, reflecting their incorporation of elements of the local Anatolian language, whether Lydian or Carian (Herodotus, 1.142.3-4; Blümel). The appearance of monumental terraces in the 4th century at such Carian sites as Priene, Labraunda, Amyzon, and Halikarnassos (Pedersen) may have derived some inspiration from Achaemenid models (cf. Yet some details, like the dress of the dynast, are still Anatolian. 403-4; Robinson), the Gjölbasi-Trysa Heroon, the Heroon at Limyra (Borchhardt, 1976) and Payava Sarcophagus (360s B. The inter-relationships of Lycian coinage are very complex. For its procession at some point in the 5th century, the Athenians legislated that the daughters of non-citizens should bear parasols for the sacred basket-carrying daughters of Athenian citizens in a markedly efficient indication of the relative standing of the two social orders.There are two facets to the question: the extent of the Persian presence in Anatolia, which was under Persian control for two centuries (and the concomitant question of the extant of Greek contact with Anatolia during this period); and the evidence for the importation of Persians and their cultural artifacts into Greece itself.For long it seemed that the Achaemenids, though the masters of Anatolia for two hundred years, left no material trace of their presence there; and in their absence, the chances for real cultural exchange between Persians and Greeks seemed to have been few.The study of such receptivity is beset by a variety of problems relating to the fact that it is perforce based on archeological evidence for regions that are as yet imperfectly known.The near-complete dependency on the material record may re-sult in an imbalanced picture.

Nonetheless, it can be determined to show a relationship with Ionian architecture of the second quarter of the 5th century B. The migrations of Greeks to the west coast of Asia Minor in the late bronze age yielded settlements that by the mid-6th century B. Greek dialects developed regionally, reflecting their incorporation of elements of the local Anatolian language, whether Lydian or Carian (Herodotus, 1.142.3-4; Blümel). The appearance of monumental terraces in the 4th century at such Carian sites as Priene, Labraunda, Amyzon, and Halikarnassos (Pedersen) may have derived some inspiration from Achaemenid models (cf. Yet some details, like the dress of the dynast, are still Anatolian. 403-4; Robinson), the Gjölbasi-Trysa Heroon, the Heroon at Limyra (Borchhardt, 1976) and Payava Sarcophagus (360s B. The inter-relationships of Lycian coinage are very complex. For its procession at some point in the 5th century, the Athenians legislated that the daughters of non-citizens should bear parasols for the sacred basket-carrying daughters of Athenian citizens in a markedly efficient indication of the relative standing of the two social orders.There are two facets to the question: the extent of the Persian presence in Anatolia, which was under Persian control for two centuries (and the concomitant question of the extant of Greek contact with Anatolia during this period); and the evidence for the importation of Persians and their cultural artifacts into Greece itself.For long it seemed that the Achaemenids, though the masters of Anatolia for two hundred years, left no material trace of their presence there; and in their absence, the chances for real cultural exchange between Persians and Greeks seemed to have been few.The study of such receptivity is beset by a variety of problems relating to the fact that it is perforce based on archeological evidence for regions that are as yet imperfectly known.The near-complete dependency on the material record may re-sult in an imbalanced picture.18-22; idem, 2001; both omit Attic black-gloss that figures prominently elsewhere in this period) and Sardis (Ramage, pp. Nonetheless, a variety of evidence attests to the spread of Persian material goods and cultural knowledge to Greece, thanks to trade, booty and diplomatic relations. A portion of the spoils was dedicated to the gods (cf. 109-10, 204-6), but the rest was distributed among participants, ensuring a wide distribution throughout much of the Greek world. (PLATE II; Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, B8; Thompson; Miller, pp. The extensive diplomatic relations before and after the Persian invasions of Greece also served as a vehicle of information transfer. Rüdiger Schmitt, “Assyria Grammata und ähnliche: Was wussten die Griechen von Keilschrift und Keilsinschriften? CULTURAL RELATIONS WITHIN THE WESTERN EMPIRE The increasing evidence for a Persian presence in Anatolia is accompanied by new and re-evaluated evidence for acculturation in these regions; and also in Thrace and Macedonia, both of which the Persians held for an unknown but comparatively short length of time. E., the local ceramic assemblage moved to a repertoire in which Achaemenid shallow and deep carinated bowls predominated; and at least one other local vessel type, the kantharoid cup, imitates an Iranian form (Dusinberre, 1999, noting a change even in the cooking wares; Paspalas, 2000a). Adaptations of Achaemenid toreutic, usually the addition of handles and a base or foot to a round-bottomed vessel, reflect the modifications required to allow for differences of use relating to differences in social practice. (PLATE VIII, Karls-ruhe, Badiches Landesmuseum, Inv. Some unusual Boeotian sessile kantharoi may also be adaptations. The earliest such halls, the archaic Telesterion at Eleusis (second half of the 6th century) and Persian Influence.